Category: Features

Read an exclusive excerpt from Secession of the Successful below!

The Indian diaspora, a heterogenous grouping of people of Indian origin (PIO) settled overseas for more than a generation, and non-resident Indians (NRI) who have emigrated in the post-Independence period, is both a natural phenomenon, arising from the migration of people over centuries, and a creation of recent historical and developmental processes, including European colonialism, global demographic shifts and the emergence of knowledge-based economies. More than half the population of what are referred to as ‘overseas Indians’ or the Indian diaspora, is comprised of PIOs. These are Indian-origin persons who are either descendants of Indian slave labour or of Indian communities settled overseas over along period of time, as traders, teachers or travellers globally spread out, from Fiji in the Pacific, to Mauritius in the Indian Ocean and to the Caribbean in the Atlantic, a large number of PIOs, now constituting over a dozen different nationalities, are the children of Indians exported as slaves or who travelled as managers, doctors, book-keepers and such like, working the plantation economies of the nineteenth century. 

Through the early part of the nineteenth century, the UK and other European nations took half-hearted measures to abolish slavery both at home and in their overseas colonies. These high-minded actions, prompted by domestic political pressures, exerted a squeeze on the supply of labour across colonial territories. Demand for such labour was, however, on the increase across the world. The abolition of slavery and the slave trade placed in jeopardy the plantation businesses of the empire. From sugar to tea, rubber to cinnamon, British and European colonial possessions from the Pacific to the Atlantic and through the territories in between were in need of cheap, sweated labour. European planters and their financiers were all looking for a way to address this demand by ensuring supply. The door, to quote Amitav Ghosh’s character, Mr Burnham, had been shut in London. A window had then to be opened. Fortuitously for the empire and its masters, that window was opened in Calcutta. 

Land, and what came with it, was aplenty for the imperial powers of Europe. What they lacked was adequate labour. That too sweated labour. It was this desperate need for captive labour, who could be worked to death on the hot and humid plantations of sugar, rubber and such like, that prompted a search across the plains of northern India. The export of labour from India, of the ‘Asiatick’, to the plantation islands of the British Empire began early in the nineteenth century. Archival records and family histories tell us of such labour export to British and other European colonies dating back to the early 1830s.4 By the late 1830s, reports had already reached India of the ill-treatment of such labour. Following such complaints, the Government of India formulated certain rules and regulations for the export of labour and, in 1837, appointed a ‘Committee to Enquire into the Abuses Alleged to Exist in Exporting from Bengal Hill Coolies and Indian Labourers of Various Classes, to Other Countries’.5 The committee met in Calcutta over a period of six months, from August 1838 till January 1839, recording evidence presented by shipowners involved in carting labour out of the Calcutta port.

This included merchants engaged in the export of labour, port officials and police officers responsible for the management and security of the port, and the likes of a doctor who travelled on such ships, a male labourer and a female attendant accompanying a British couple on a boat to Mauritius. One such labourer, Sheikh Manik, and an attendant, Bibee Zuhoorun, were among the few who returned home and so could be summoned for questioning by the committee. A total of 1061 questions were posed, over a six-month period, to the ten persons who had appeared before the committee. The testimonies of Sheikh Manik, Bibee Zuhoorun and Dr Abdoolah Khan, the medical doctor on board the ship Gaillardon, owned by Boyd & Co. of Calcutta, constituted a clear indictment of the methods used to secure and transport labour and of the conditions of their life and work on plantations in Mauritius. Defending their business interests before thecommittee, Calcutta’s European merchants claimed that Indian labour would not only secure better remuneration overseas but would also have an opportunity to see the world and widen their horizons, liberating themselves from the narrow confines of their insular and wasted lives. 

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Read an exclusive excerpt from Shoorveer below.

In 1999, Pakistan began sending infiltrators to occupy the heights of Kargil and in turn, India began a major operation, known as Operation Vijay, to push them back. The Kargil War, as the operation is now known, was a turning point in the career of Raj. 

The Indian Army pushed through the heights and beat back the Pakistani soldiers, and the valour and courage of its soldiers was a shining beacon for all of India. Raj was not far behind. Raj’s battalion had completed its tenure as a peace station in Hyderabad. By December 1999, they learnt that their next posting was in Kargil. At that time, the war hadn’t yet begun, so 

it was intended to be a regular posting at first and Kargil, with its beautiful landscape and tall mountains, was considered to be an easier posting than the Kashmir valley. Major Ajit was detailed as the OC advance party for the move to Kargil, which was to transport all the military stores to Kargil, with Major G.S. Walia and Captain Hamir Rathore detailed with him. As the advance party’s movement was being prepared, Major Ajit appreciated Raj’s assistance on several occasions, boosting his morale. Before proceeding, Major Ajit handed over the company to Raj, giving him instructions to ensure a smooth mobilization and induction of the main body to Kargil. Major Ajit would also write regularly to Raj telling him about the welfare of the troops and details like the packing of materials and the type of clothing that would be required at Kargil. 

At Hyderabad, a brigade-level handball competition was announced. Raj received instructions from the 47 Brigade that 22 Grenadiers had been detailed as a conducting unit for the competition. The advance party had already moved out and this would perhaps be the last sporting contest before the main body left for the war, so there were few objections from their side to conduct the event. The CO simply told them to get it done so that they could focus on their own move to the front. The Brigade staff wanted to milk them to the max before they left. So, Raj and Lt Sajjan were detailed as part of the team as officers were required to participate in the competition. 

Raj was called in by Major S.P. Yadav to go and meet the Brigade Major to be briefed about the finals and the prize distribution ceremony. Raj went to the office of BM Major D.A.S. Lohamaror from the Bihar Regiment, where Deputy Quarter Master General Major Day from Mahar Regiment was also sitting. Both briefed him about what needed to be done for the evening. Major Lohamaror then told Raj that for the prizes, he could buy anything from the Canteen Stores Department (CSD) priced between Rs 80–100, but the prizes should look big. Raj searched two or three canteens but there was nothing in that price range. At his own CSD, Raj found a set of six Borosil glasses worth Rs 60 and a few sets of ladies’ underwear costing about Rs 30. Raj told the canteen NCO to count if they had fourteen pairs of glasses as well as the underwear. The NCO told him, ‘Sahib, we have enough and this will be in your price range too.’ Poor Raj couldn’t think and just to fulfil the condition set by the staff officer, he purchased both sets and directed an INT Section Havildar to make fourteen gift sets by pairing both together. 

That evening, everything went well. Although the 17 Bihar team was very good and Raj’s team missed a few players who had already left with the advance party, Raj’s team won the final with a huge margin. When the time came for the prize distribution ceremony, the teams came up to receive the prizes for the winners and runners-up; but when the time came to give away the two referee prizes, the referee from Bihar was nowhere to be found. No one knew where he was, perhaps he was being taught the rules of the game by his team-mates! When he didn’t appear even after some time, the commander asked what the prizes were. He suddenly tore open one of them—and in his hands appeared a packet of ladies’ undergarments. He hurriedly pushed it back into the pack as there were women there too, but the expression on his face was enough to tell Raj that he had made a serious mistake and he quietly backed away from the scene. Besides, Colonel Mehr had also noticed it and the same expression appeared on his face, too. Soon after, Raj saw the CO and the BM discussing something in hushed tones. 

When the group photographs had been clicked, Colonel Mehra called Raj to a corner with, ‘Kya karoon tera? What should I do with you?’ Raj very innocently told him that nothing else was available in that price range. ‘You should have just got men’s underwear. Why did you need to pack women’s underwear?’ the colonel told him angrily. When the other officers heard the story, they laughed and told Raj he was responsible for making his own life hell.

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Read and exclusive excerpt from One Minute Wisdom.

Over 4000 years ago, the rishis of ancient India uncovered a profound truth: The universe is not chaotic but an intelligent, self-aware ecosystem. They observed life deeply and found patterns that connect us to something infinite. Their discovery, Satchitananda, offers a map of human potential rooted in three timeless principles: Sat (Reality), Chit (Consciousness) and Ananda (Bliss). 

This ancient wisdom is as relevant today as it was then. Satchitananda invites us to explore who we truly are and what it means to live a fulfilling life. 

The Map of Satchitananda 

Below is a simple diagram to illustrate how Sat, Chit and Ananda work together: 

• Sat grounds you in what is real. 

• Chit keeps you curious and aware. 

• Ananda reminds you that bliss and fulfilment lie within. 

Together, these three principles form a timeless guide to living a life of purpose and joy.  

 1. Sat: The Quest for What Is Real 

Sat is about finding the truth behind appearances. At first, we rely on our five senses to understand the world—what we see, hear, touch, taste and smell. But our senses only scratch the surface. They reveal objects and events but not the invisible space that holds them all. 

Imagine standing in a room filled with furniture. You see the objects, but do you notice the space they occupy? Similarly, Sat points to the infinite existence that underlies everything, including us. Our personality, body and mind are forms shaped by this infinite being called existence. Deep down, we long to reconnect with that vastness of our existence. Sat anchors us in reality. It asks us: ‘What is truly real?’ In seeking this, we find the power to make a genuine impact on our world. 

2. Chit: The Light of Awareness 

Chit is consciousness itself, the universal awareness that illuminates everything. In our daily lives, we experience different states of being waking, dreaming and deep sleep. Yet, in all these states, consciousness quietly exists in the background, like the screen on which a movie plays. 

We often get lost in the drama of this ‘movie’ of life and forget the screen itself. Chit is the will to know, the spark of curiosity that drives us to uncover the secrets of existence. It keeps us asking: ‘How do I truly know myself and the world? ‘By being curious and aware, we connect to the universal intelligence that guides everything. 

3. Ananda: The Ocean of Bliss 

Ananda is the deep, infinite joy that lies at the heart of existence. At first, we seek happiness in external things—a delicious meal, a thrilling experience or the company of loved ones. These moments bring joy, but they don’t last. So, we search for the next high, the next wave of pleasure. The rishis discovered that true bliss doesn’t depend on anything outside us. Ananda is not the fleeting happiness we chase; it’s the timeless ocean of joy within us. It’s where our ups and downs merge, and we feel whole again. 

Ananda teaches us to look inward for fulfilment. It’s not about rejecting life but embracing it with detachment from its passing forms. In doing so, we find balance—a state the rishis called samata, where our individual self stands in harmony with the universal. 

 Satchitananda: The Trinity of Life 

Reality, Awareness and Bliss—Sat, Chit and Ananda—are not separate ideas. They are the foundation of all existence. Everything in the universe begins with them and returns to them. They are always present, shaping who we are and why we are here. 

When we understand and live by Satchitananda, life reveals its deeper purpose. The rishis showed us that this understanding is the key to a fulfilling, harmonious life. It connects us to the infinite within and around us. 

Satchitananda is not just ancient wisdom; it’s a practical way to live meaningfully. When we align with Sat, Chit and Ananda, Reality, Awareness and Bliss, we discover that life itself is the greatest gift—and that we are already part of something infinite. 

In the process of reaching towards the creation of this book, we conducted a poll on my LinkedIn page. This page is followed by more than 55,000 professionals, managers and leaders. The poll revealed the following responses of leaders relating to Sat (real impact), Chit (Self-Awareness) and Joy of Fulfilment (Ananda): 

An achiever in a leadership role needs transformative influence to unlock their full potential. What does it take for them to succeed 

Leadership is seen as a role dominated by Self-Awareness; Real Impact beiną the second factor in line while Joy and Fulfilment come as a distant third. 

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This chapter deals with the complexities of the Dalit and Black movements in India and the United States respectively, and the possibilities of their similarities and solidarities as framed in both academic literature and the popular media.1 Though appealing, such a comparison exaggerates what both movements stood for. To begin with, the positions of the Dalit and Black movements, generally speaking, were divergent. In America, from the 1960s there were radical uprisings among the educated Black youth, who were unfair targets of police harassment and brutality. For the Dalits in India, whose status was that of a subordinate minority and untouchables, any demands they made for equality as enshrined in the Constitution were met with localized violence, either committed against individuals or the Dalit ghettoes. Dalit women were a particularly vulnerable target. 

Through media coverage of Black atrocities in the United States, Dalits in India became aware of the situation faced by the descendants of slaves in white-ruled America. Reports in the American media made their way to the larger Indian cities such as Mumbai, where they were picked up by the Dalit literati, who read Time magazine, the New York Times and Newsweek, and discussed the reports with friends in literary circles drawn from diverse castes. What happened in America resonated with Dalits in India. They read of the American state going rogue against Black people in a spate of racial attacks. In one incident, which took place on a Wednesday evening in July 1967, two white police officers dragged a Black man, John William Smith, into their precinct building in the city of Newark, New Jersey. Smith, a taxi driver, had just been arrested for the alleged crime of improperly passing the officers’ car, and was beaten so brutally that he could not walk. Residents of a nearby housing project saw him being dragged inside the precinct, and a rumour was set off that the cops had killed another Black man. A crowd formed and resorted to attacking the police station. For five days, violence tore through the city, with a toll of over two dozen lives. Some called it rioting, others a rebellion. 

That was just one flashpoint in what came to be known as “the long, hot summer of 1967”. The United States witnessed over 150 “race riots” that season, with police brutality against Black people a common spark, extending a long lineage of rage—Hough in 1966, Watts in 1965, Harlem in 1964 and 1943, Chicago in 1935 and 1919, and so on. This has been termed a rebellion of the urban class of America, with 1967 the pivotal year. The US president Lyndon B. Johnson, already battling public anger over the invasion of Vietnam and faced with a fresh crisis, formed a committee to answer three questions: “What happened? Why did it happen? What can be done to prevent it from happening again?” 

Te Kerner Commission, as part of its work, hired a group of social scientists to bolster its research. Their draft submission to the commission echoed the radical language and ideas of the rising Black Power movement, and came to some alarming conclusions. Under the present course, the researchers wrote, the United States was headed for a full-blown race war, involving “guerrilla warfare of Black youth against white power in the major cities of the United States.” It foretold civil war on the streets, which would turn American cities into “garrisons”.

The only way out of this impending war was a radical programme to tackle the poverty and socio-economic stagnation facing Black communities, to reform the police and other institutions that plainly discriminated against Black people, and to make drastic changes that went far beyond the “token concessions” offered to the community till then. “There is still time”, the researchers added, “for one nation to make a concerted attack on the racism that persists in its midst.” If it did not, “The harvest of racism will be the end of the American dream.”5 The document was entitled The Harvest of Racism.  

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